In July, the names of Manuel Diaz and Joel Acevedo were added to those of Kenneth Chamberlain Sr., Ramarley Graham, Shantel Davis, Rasheed Simms, Anastasio Hernandez Rojas, Sergio Guereca, Carlos La Madrid, Derek Lopez, Raul Rosas and countless others who have been murdered by the police. In the immediate aftermath of the Manuel Diaz murder, residents of the Anaheim, CA, neighborhood where he was shot took to the streets to confront the police over the unjustified killing. Police dispersed the crowd with tear gas, rubber bullets and a rampaging police dog that tried to attack an infant (Democracy Now, 7/24/12).
The murders and the police response have led many to wonder whether the police have declared war on black and Latino communities. In fact, for forty years now the police have officially declared war on the entire working class. Following the urban uprisings of the late 1960s, the ruling class looked for better ways to control working-class anger. Because black, Latino and immigrant workers are the most exploited under capitalism, the bosses fear their anger and use racist ideas and outright racist attacks to keep populations passive. Since the sixties, the police have become increasingly militarized.
Marines Train SWAT Teams
The police began to train with Special Forces units back from Vietnam in techniques to put down insurgent movements. The LAPD, ever the “innovators,” responded to labor unrest by creating the first SWAT teams, trained at Camp Pendleton Marine base in military techniques of civilian repression. Indeed, their first deployment was in operations attacking striking farm workers in Delano, CA, in 1969.
Since then, a mix of increased federal funding and confiscation laws passed in the 1980s has led to the proliferation of paramilitary SWAT teams across the country, armed to the teeth with the latest military weaponry. Few understand the extent to which these units were armed directly by the military. Between 1995 and 1997 the Defense Department gave out, free of cost, 6,400 bayonets, 3,800 M-16s, 2,185 M-14s, 73 M-79 grenade launchers, and 112 Armored Personnel Carriers. The number of these paramilitary units has increased to over 1,200 today in diverse communities from New York City to the University of Central Florida.
This new strategy of counter-insurgency that developed in U.S. policing after the 1960s was called “weed and seed” amongst police forces but is known better by its military jargon “Clear-Hold-Build.” The idea was to single out “trouble spots” (working-class neighborhoods) and flood them with SWAT-team raids in an overwhelming show of force: “shock and awe,” which includes the stop-and-frisk of hundreds of thousands of mainly black and Latino youth.
Community Policing: The ‘Friendly’ Cops
Then while police terror was still high a program of community infiltration would begin. Known as “community policing,” officers walk neighborhood streets and infiltrate schools, churches and youth programs under the guise of police-community partnerships. Schools install metal detectors and allow police to roam their halls, making the student body conform to the fascist invasion of personal space. Churches bring police into community partnerships that provide a cover for police abuse. Various youth programs encourage kids to see the police as their allies in a struggle against their own community.
Under community policing, the police are able to gather intelligence on target communities that is stored in digital information warehouses. In LA, police carry a list of 65 “suspicious activities” that, when witnessed, are filed in a report that is catalogued at a Joint Fusion Center (a digital database that can be accessed by police, FBI, and Dept. of Homeland Security). It is important to note that in these intelligence operations no crime is being committed, yet surveillance is legalized. As participants in the “war on terror,” police and intelligence agencies openly spy on citizens in ways that would have been kept secret a generation ago.
Police use this intelligence gathering to then disrupt activities of those who might pose a threat to the capitalist order. Their strategy is classic counter-insurgency. Shock the system with a massive show of force, then infiltrate the community dissolving the social bonds that tie people together. Once the population is isolated by terrorism and induced paranoia, they can be dominated. They become more susceptible to the attacks on their wages, schools, health, and environment that allow the capitalists to live large on the backs of the working class.
New Strategy A Killing Machine
The result of the adoption of a counter-insurgency strategy by police has been a steady increase in the number of police murders, which average 373 people killed per year (though the lack of statistics makes this a low estimate). The use of deadly force by police increased 34% during the 1990s. During the year 2001 there were over 40,000 deployments of SWAT teams against communities, and since 2001 there has been a 25% rise in the number of police brutality cases filed (which again grossly underestimates the actual numbers). Since 9/11 and the creation of the Homeland Security department, police and military forces have only increased their collaboration. The police have been so successful in their war that Marines received training from the LA SWAT team in urban warfare before deploying to Afghanistan in 2010.
The police violence that has claimed the lives of so many people in the U.S. is endemic to the system of capitalism that sees workers as a commodity to be dominated and exploited. The violence on the streets of New York and LA is also visited on the people in Kabul, Baghdad, and elsewhere. Imperialism breeds fascism at home and in turn fascism at home spawns violence in the imperial periphery. When capitalism is in crisis, as it is today, the capitalists’ only solution is to squeeze the working class. This means that police violence is hardly the work of “a few bad apples.” Rather it is the natural response of a repressive system that demands total obedience from the working class.J
(For more information on police tactics see the work of Christian Parenti and Kristian Williams.)
A group of workers associated with several community organizations conducted militant protests in front of two car washes, property of two different owners. The group chanted “Car Washers United Will Never Be Defeated” and “Workers United Will Never Be Defeated,” as well as many other militant slogans. We showed our solidarity with these mostly immigrant workers, some undocumented, who’ve had “enough” and have decided to form a trade union to fight for their rights and to be heard. These workers are fighting for a higher minimum wage and better working conditions.
Justice and Workers’ Rights
Just the mention of these two ideas got the owners of the car washes to retaliate against the workers, reducing their working hours and harassing them to force them to quit their jobs. The main issue here is the soon-approaching union elections.
One of the owners is called Gary, but workers call him “Claws” (which in Spanish rhymes with Gary). In spite of all his efforts, this abusive exploiter couldn’t break our consciousness and unity. His attacks only motivated us to chant louder in the last protests, which we hope are only the beginning.
At the Long Beach Car Wash, one of the workers, who at the time was drying a car, took the lead and raising a fist begun chanting our slogans in front of “Claws.” His arrogant expression and attitude when he didn’t meet the workers’ demands on time, showed his hatred towards those whose prompt, daily work, makes him richer.
This shows once again, that workers’ struggle against the bosses, whose only purpose is to increase their profits through thievery, exploitation and abuses of the working class, must grow. We have to win these workers to deepen the struggle, because the fight for simple demands under capitalism cannot solve our problems. Only communism can put an end to this scourge. This is why we must win the working class to fight for a revolution.
- Information
Apartheid Alive in South Africa Armed Miners Defy Racist Massacre
- Information
- 05 September 2012 74 hits
Apartheid is alive and growing in South Africa. The racist police massacre of 34 striking miners, the wounding of 78 others and the arrest of 259 outside the Lonmin platinum mine in Rustenberg on August 16 mirrors the apartheid of the late 20th century, the one of a racist white Nazi-type capitalist ruling class oppressing the entire black population. In fact, apartheid became a virtual synonym for racism.
“The strike and the government’s iron-fisted response are emblematic of…South Africa’s largely white-owned business establishment and…[the fact] that the ANC [African National Congress] and its allies have become too cozy with big business” (New York Times, 8/17).
The current apartheid pits this mostly white big business class joined with a small black government elite of profiteers enforcing the same capitalist oppression against the entire, mostly black working class. And similar to the previous rebellions of the last century, workers are mounting armed resistance.
Eight miners were killed on August 10, when 3,000 miners, mostly rock drillers, went out on a wildcat strike demanding a tripling of their poverty-level wages which have remained as low as they were under apartheid, 18 years ago. “If we stop, it all stops,” they proclaimed. “If neither the union nor the employer will listen, we will make them. We will apply objective violence until they are forced to listen to our grievances.”
The mine cannot operate without the rock drillers who work at dangerous depths, holding 50-pound drills against the rock face, their bodies vibrating for the duration of their 8-hour shifts. Then they emerge to the misery of shack dwellings, with no electricity, running water or sanitation.
The rock-drillers are not allowed to live in the real cities of South Africa, sentenced like nonpersons to a life of wage slavery deep below ground in a “planet of slums,” but their strike shook the market in the great financial centers of the capitalist world. They are an inspiration to workers everywhere!
Lonmin — the world’s third largest platinum mining company in a country that produces 80 percent of the world’s platinum reserves — labeled the strike “illegal.” A largely black police force (BBC News, 8/17) was ordered out to escort in any potential scabs. On August 16, they set up a barricade of razor wire encircling the miners. The police demanded they disarm and disperse. The miners, armed with machetes, sticks, spears and clubs, fought back, outflanked the cops and tried to burst through the cordon to bar scabs from breaking the strike.
Then the police, holding automatic rifles, pistols and shotguns, began spraying the miners with tear gas. As the miners tried to escape the gas, the cops opened fire hitting many miners in the back. “After three minutes of gunfire, bodies littered the ground in pools of blood” (The Guardian, 8/17). A 36-year-old miner named Paulos said, “They started shooting at us with rubber bullets. Then I saw people were falling and dying for real. I knew then they were proper bullets” (New York Times, 8/18). The scene echoed the previous apartheid era when the cops and the military used live ammunition to quell protests.
The miners, who now earn $300 to $500 a month, are demanding monthly raises of $625 to $1,563. An August 14 report by the Bench Marks Foundation, which monitors multi-national mining corporations, said Lonmin has a “bad track record, with high levels of fatalities” and keeps workers in “very poor living conditions. Children suffer from chronic illnesses due to sewage spills caused by broken drainage” (Associated Press, 8/17).
Workers Condemn Bosses, Governing ANC and Union Partners
Miner Thuso Masakeng told the Agency France Press (8/17), “We can’t afford a decent life. We live like animals because of poor salaries….We are being exploited; both the government and the unions have failed to come to our rescue. Companies make a lot of money at our expense and we get paid almost nothing.”
Joyce Lebelo, a miner’s wife, built a tiny shack in 1998, thinking the new government would soon provide her with a proper house. She is still waiting. “When we voted, we didn’t think we would spend ten years living in a shack. The promises they made they have not delivered. The people who got power are fat and rich. They have forgotten the people at the bottom.”
As one official of a new, militant miners’ union said, “We made the ANC what it is today, but they have no time for us. Nothing has changed. Only the people on top and they keep getting more money” (NYT, 8/17).
PLP Analysis Proved
Correct
This situation was exactly what the Progressive Labor Party warned would ensue when Nelson Mandela and his African National Congress took the reins of government eighteen years ago. Although Mandela spent decades in jail, he was not about to lead a revolution against capitalism that created these abominable conditions. One of his early pronouncements was to reject worker demands for increased wages and benefits on the grounds that it would “discourage foreign [capitalist] investment.”
When PLP declared that the maintenance of capitalism would continue the apartheid-era exploitation of black workers, we were roundly criticized by all the liberals, nationalists and pseudo-leftists who predicted a “new era of freedom.” What the working class got was rampant unemployment, deep poverty, intolerable working conditions, squalid housing and an emerging, tiny elite class of black oppressors who — along with the dominant apartheid-era corporate rulers — profited from the misery of the masses. And then and now, U.S. corporations like GM and Ford netted tens of millions in super-profits from that racist exploitation.
As we said then and reiterate now, only a communist revolution, and the building of a party to lead it, can solve the problems these miners, and all workers, face. Only a system without bosses and profits can enable the working class, which produces everything of value, to reap all the fruits of our labor, according to need.
Union Colludes with Bosses
The capitalist media has been painting the miners’ struggle as one stemming from competition between rival unions rather than growing out of real demands over real oppressive conditions. The rank-and-file rock-drillers are self-organized, under their own leadership and have armed themselves to fight for the integrity of their strike against all comers, joined by women from the shantytown armed with knobkerries (clubs).
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) is closely allied with the governing ANC, and has lost the majority of its miner members. The NUM’s former leader, Cyril Ramaphosa, is now a rich director on the Lonmin board. The NUM has been challenged by the new, militant Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU). The latter has been demanding “sharp increases in pay and faster action to improve the grim living and working conditions for miners” while exposing the NUM’s alliance with the government.
NUM general secretary Frans Baleni defended the police action, saying, “The police were patient.” (NYT, 8/17) When the NUM president addressed the strikers and echoed the bosses’ line, calling on them to return to work, the miners began yelling their opposition, forcing the cops to escort him safely away. The traitorous South African “Communist” Party called for the arrest of the AMCU leaders. However, the latter head a reform union with no political vision beyond immediate demands. While verbally defending the workers against the avalanche of media condemnation, they did not organize the strike or join the workers in battle.
A striking winch operator and AMCU member who gave his name as Kelebone and makes $500 a month for difficult, dangerous work said, “NUM has deserted us. NUM is working with the [rulers] and getting money. They forgot about the workers.” (Boston Globe, 8/17)
The British-owned company, declaring the strike “illegal,” has obtained a court order to force the workers back to work or be fired. But winch operator Makosi Mbongane, 32, told the Associated Press, “They can beat us, kill us and kick and trample on us,…do whatever they want to do, we aren’t going back to work.”
As AMCU strike leader Joseph Mathunjwa told Reuters, “We’re going nowhere. If need be, we’re prepared to die here.”
This is an anti-imperialist struggle against a huge mining company, tightly knit with the rich post-apartheid local elite, who sit on the board and protect their super-profits. It is also an antiracist struggle. Only communism can end racism everywhere.
This is a huge potential base for an international revolutionary communist movement and party, the missing ingredient needed to turn these brave miners toward revolution based on international class unity. This can bypass the mistakes of the old communist movement and dare to win it all.
“I never thought I’d see this in my South Africa in a million years.” That’s how one young reporter, speaking for many, expressed his horror at the racist police massacre of 34 striking miners, the wounding of 78 others and the arrest of 259 outside the Lonmin platinum mine on August 16.
This horror is compounded by the fact that one of the most inspiring and heroic struggles of the later 20th Century was the mass struggle against Apartheid in South Africa. Workers and students organized a movement of millions under the most Nazi-like terror, led by the African National Congress (ANC). Miners, auto and transit workers and students led strikes and walkouts while their leaders were either in prison or in exile. They carried out armed struggle.
But rather than fight for communism, the ANC came to power almost 20 years ago after reaching an accommodation with the racist bosses and bankers and disarming the workers and youth. This horrible betrayal was celebrated with the release of Nelson Mandela from prison after more than 25 years.
On August 10, 3,000 miners, mostly rock drillers, went on a wildcat strike demanding a tripling of their poverty wages (they earn $300 to $500 a month). Lonmin, the world’s third largest platinum mining company has a “bad track record, with high levels of fatalities” and keeps workers in “very poor living conditions. Children suffer from chronic illnesses due to sewage spills caused by broken drainage.” (Associated Press, 8/17)
Last week, The ANC government sent black and white police to set up a barricade of razor wire encircling the miners. The miners, armed with machetes, spears and clubs, outflanked the cops and tried to stop scabs from breaking the strike. The police gunned them down.
This fight is as much against the ANC as it is the mine operators. As one official of a new, radical miners’ union said, “We made the ANC what it is today, but they have no time for us. Nothing has changed.” (NYT, 8/17)
Back when the ANC made peace with Apartheid, workers and youth were waving red flags and demanding more guns. The most militant youth movement called themselves the “Comrades.” The Lonmin massacre is a grim reminder that there can be no peace with the racist profit system. The bosses and cops must be destroyed. A communist society that meets the needs of the international working class must be built on their graves. The heroic Lonmin miners are giving us a lesson in blood. We in Progressive Labor Party support them. We oppose their foes. We fight for communist revolution, from South Africa to the U.S.
The mass racist killings on August 5 by a neo-Nazi veteran in Milwaukee, Wisconsin was not an isolated atrocity. When Wade Michael Page murdered six people and wounded three others in a Sikh temple, he reflected both the long-term needs and contradictions of U.S. imperialism. As the U.S. ruling class proceeds on its collision course with rising capitalists in China over the world’s oil and gas and cheap labor, its murderous brutality will victimize workers at home, as well.
The ex-GI’s crime exposes a serious flaw in the U.S. war machine, where racism cuts two ways. On the one hand, the top brass needs racism to motivate troops to kill dehumanized enemies. On the other, racism hinders U.S. bosses’ ability to mobilize for ever-larger wars that will inevitably become global.
A substantial number of U.S. troops share Page’s virulent hatred for black, Latino and Asian soldiers and superiors. Some racist officers refuse even to recognize Barack Obama as commander-in-chief. Racist “hazing” (actually torture) discourages working-class Asians from enlisting. Moreover, the extreme racism rampant in the U.S. — police killings of black and Latino youth in big cities nation-wide; double jobless rates for these groups; turning their schools into prison-like institutions; their mass incarceration (70 percent of prisoners in the U.S. are black and Latino); the massive deportation of immigrant workers — all deter black and Latino youth from joining the military.
Throw in the two Middle East shooting wars over the last decade, and it’s no surprise that black recruitment plummeted 58 percent between 2000 and 2007, despite the patriotic frenzy following 9/11. And Page’s anti-Sikh rampage further dampens Pentagon hopes that tens of millions of U.S.-led Indian troops will join a potential future battle against China’s vast forces.
The bosses’ dilemma is that capitalism can’t live without racism. The lower wages and benefits paid to black and Latino workers net U.S. bosses hundreds of billions in super-profits, which the capitalists depend on for their very existence. These inequities hurt white workers as well, because they’re used as a club to keep white workers from demanding more or even keeping what they’ve got. The differential is designed to split the working class and weaken its ability to unite to fight the bosses’ attacks.
As the U.S. president, it is Obama’s job to enforce the capitalists’ profit system that wages its economic war on the entire working class. Obama’s racism may be less overt than Wade Page’s, but it is no less dangerous to workers.
The one way for the working class to rid itself of this racist profit system is to join and build the revolutionary Progressive Labor Party in organizing a communist revolution. Communism unites all workers and eliminates bosses, profits, and the wage system that divides us. It enables our class to share all the value that workers — and only workers — produce.
Racists in the Military
In the run-up to the 2001 Afghan and 2003 Iraq invasions, Pentagon chiefs worried openly over the dubious loyalty of racists like Page and how they hurt enlistment figures. They were right on both counts. In 1995, Page was at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, when two neo-Nazi soldiers from the Army’s 82nd Airborne Division killed a black couple in nearby Fayetteville. Page himself belonged to a neo-Nazi group. The Army punished him for dereliction of duty and going AWOL.
As Togo D. West, Jr., the former black Secretary of the Army, once said, “Extremist activity compromises fairness, good order and discipline and, potentially, combat effectiveness” (Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, 8/6/12). Yet West’s Army routinely teaches and trains recruits using racist slurs to wipe out “hajis” and “ragheads.”
In 2010, Lt. Col. Terry Larkin, an Army doctor, refused orders for Afghanistan because he challenged the legitimacy of Obama’s presidency. The year before, Maj. Stefan Rhodes did the same thing, while Capt. Connie Rhodes rejected deployment to Iraq. All three tried to cover their gutter racism with the “birther” argument, the spurious idea that Obama wasn’t born in the U.S. and therefore is ineligible to be president.
But regardless of his color, Obama must enforce racism to serve his master capitalists. He has deported more immigrant workers than any other president. He endorses education policies that perpetuate racist schools. Racist unemployment and housing foreclosures have soared on his watch.
Tea Party Challenges the Dominant Power Structure
The Tea Party represents domestic bosses with less of a vested interest in imperialist wars. Its dubious loyalty to the dominant power structure makes it a threat to the liberal, imperialist, finance capital wing of the U.S. ruling class. In 2010, a U.S. Army training document envisioned the use of troops on U.S. soil under the following scenario:
In May 2016 an extremist [read “racist” — Ed.] militia motivated by the goals of the “tea party” movement takes over the government of Darlington, South Carolina, occupying City Hall, disbanding the city council, and placing the mayor under house arrest. Activists remove the chief of police and either disarm local police and county sheriff departments or discourage them from interfering. In truth, this is hardly necessary. Many law enforcement officials already are sympathetic to the tea party’s agenda, know many of the people involved, and have made clear they will not challenge the takeover.
U.S.-India Tie Strained
In the wake of the Milwaukee bloodbath, the bosses’ pressing concern is that it could set back the Pentagon’s dream of a grand war alliance with India against China’s vast forces. On August 1, after returning from India, Deputy Secretary of Defense Ashton D. Carter reported back to the ultra-imperialist, Rockefeller-founded Asia Society: “India is a key part of our rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, and, we believe, to the broader security and prosperity of the 21st century. The U.S.-India relationship is global in scope…. Our security interests converge” (Times of India, 8/2/12). “Rebalance” refers to Obama’s new anti-China military build-up. Carter vowed “to work with the Indians on developing a joint vision for U.S.-India defense cooperation.”
But this plan may be compromised by Page’s slaughter. “Sikhs make up 10-15% of all ranks in the Indian Army and 20% of its officers, while Sikhs form only 1.87% of the Indian population, which makes them possibly 10 times more likely to be a soldier and officer in the Indian Army than the average Indian.” (BBC, 8/8/07). In fact, India’s prime minister Manmohan Singh is a Sikh.
Ravi Srinivasan, a Hindu, West Point graduate, and veteran of Afghanistan, lamented how Page may have strained U.S. alliances:
Diversity is a force multiplier on the front lines. It offers a means to relate to… our coalition partners…. Whether or not Page’s military record had any effect on his racist views, the fact that he is a veteran makes him an ambassador for the military….[T]he next time we invade a country, the consequences of that perception may follow us there (New York Times, 8/7/02).
Rulers’ Achilles Heel
These are problems that racism, an essential component of capitalism, poses for the capitalists themselves. Even as the bosses use racism to exploit and divide workers, it will prove to be the rulers’ Achilles heel. The imperialist war machine’s racist outrages and atrocities sparked widespread militant revolts during the U.S. genocide in Vietnam (see box). With communist leadership, such rebellions could lay the groundwork for destroying the deadly profit system.
The fight against racism needs to start in the belly of the beast, here in the U.S. That has been a cardinal principle of the Progressive Labor Party since our inception half a century ago, as shown by our active support of the 1964 Harlem Rebellion. Our Party has joined the current fight against the racist police murders of Shantel Davis and Ramarley Graham in New York and the racist executions of Manual Diaz and Joel Acevedo in Anaheim, California. PLP mobilizes the working class in the workplace and the unions, the military, the communities, and the churches. It fights racism on college campuses and attacks Jim Crow segregation in Brooklyn’s high schools. The Party’s anti-racist struggles help unite our class as a prerequisite for communist revolution.
As our Party has grown and expanded onto five continents, we have spread our anti-racist fight to opposing mass evictions in Palestine-Israel and uniting all ethnic groups in Pakistan and Mexico as well as other areas (see pages 3,4,5).
Join this international class struggle. Organize class war against capitalism. Join and build
Progressive Labor Party!